SOURCE A It becаme cleаr very quickly thаt the League wоuld be just an additiоn tо existing international relations mechanisms and often one to be kept at arm’s length; Britain and France had no intention of allowing the Treaty’s enforcement to become a League responsibility. It is also not clear whether the ‘new diplomacy’ achieved different results than the ‘old’ diplomacy might have done in similar circumstances. The League, however, did have its uses. Handing over the government of Danzig and the Saar to the League solved tricky problems. The League’s beneficial role in inhibiting slavery, international prostitution and the trading of drugs, in promoting the protection of refugees, and preventing and controlling disease, was acknowledged. It enjoyed successes in the Swedish-Finnish quarrel over the Aaland Islands in 1920 and in the Greece-Bulgaria dispute of 1925, but significantly, both were in accessible parts of Europe, were between minor states, and did not involve the direct interests of a great power. The League was much less effective where any of these criteria did not apply. It was in Abyssinia in 1935 that the demands of the old and new diplomacies came into sharpest conflict. The circumstances meant that the credibility of the League and the ‘new’ diplomacy became linked with the response to this problem. The lessons were painful. The League had ended in failure. It had been based on too many paradoxes: the attempt to create collective security in a world of sovereign national states and the hope of international democracy in a world dominated by great powers. After Abyssinia the League became an increasing irrelevance. From a history book published in 2010.
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