Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
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The аuthоr оf the letter wоuld most likely be considered “biаsed” if he
The аuthоr оf the letter wоuld most likely be considered “biаsed” if he
The аuthоr оf the letter wоuld most likely be considered “biаsed” if he
The аuthоr оf the letter wоuld most likely be considered “biаsed” if he
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Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
Excerpt frоm “The ‘Industriаl Revоlutiоn’ in the Home: Household Technology аnd Sociаl Change in the 20th Century,” by Ruth Schwartz Cowan The significant change in the structure of the household labor force was the disappearance of paid and unpaid servants (unmarried daughters, maiden aunts, and grandparents fall in the latter category) as household workers—and the imposition of the entire job on the housewife herself. Leaving aside for a moment the question of which was cause and which effect (did the disappearance of the servant create a demand for the new technology, or did the new technology make the servant obsolete?), the phenomenon itself is relatively easy to document. Before World War I, when illustrators in the women's magazines depicted women doing housework, the women were very often servants. When the lady of the house was drawn, she was often the person being served, or she was supervising the serving, or she was adding an elegant finishing touch to the work. Nursemaids diapered babies, seamstresses pinned up hems, waitresses served meals, laundresses did the wash, and cooks did the cooking. By the end of the 1920s the servants had disappeared from those illustrations. All those jobs were being done by housewives—elegantly manicured and coiffed, to be sure, but housewives nonetheless. If we are tempted to suppose that illustrations in advertisements are not a reliable indicator of structural changes of this sort, we can corroborate the changes in other ways. Apparently, the illustrators really did know whereof they drew. Statistically the number of persons throughout the country employed in household service dropped from 1,851,000 in 1910 to 1,411,000 in 1920. Meanwhile, the number of household enumerated in the census rose from 20.3 million to 24.4 million.1 In Indiana the ratio of households to servants increased from 13.5/1 in 1890 to 30.5/1 in 1920. In the country as a whole the number of paid domestic servants per 1,000 population dropped from 98.9 in 1900 to 58.0 in 1920.2 The business-class housewives of Muncie reported that they employed approximately one-half as many woman-hours of domestic service as their mothers had done.3 In case we are tempted to doubt these statistics4 . . . we can turn to articles on the servant problem, the disappearance of unpaid family workers, the design of kitchens, or to architectural drawings for houses. All this evidence reiterates the same point: qualified servants were difficult to find; their wages had risen and their numbers fallen; houses were being designed without maids' rooms; daughters and unmarried aunts were finding jobs downtown; kitchens were being designed for housewives, not servants.5 The first home with a kitchen that was not an entirely separate room was designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1934. In 1937 Emily Post invented a new character for her etiquette books: Mrs. Three-in One. Mrs. Three-in-One is her own cook, waitress, and hostess.6 There must have been many new Mrs. Three-in-Ones abroad in the land during the 1920s. . . . "All these [ideas] point in the same direction: mechanization of the household meant that time expended on some jobs decreased, but also that new jobs were substituted, and in some cases like laundering, time expenditures for old jobs increased because of higher standards. The advantages of mechanization may be somewhat more dubious than they seem at first glance. 1 Historical Statistics, pp. 16 and 77. 2 For Indiana data, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. For national data, see D. L. Kaplan and M. Clair Casey, Occupational Trends in the United States, 1900-1950, U.S. Bureau of the Census Working Paper no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1958), table 6. The extreme drop in numbers of servants between 1910 and 1920 also lends credence to the notion that this demographic factor stimulated the industrial revolution in housework. 3 Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, p. 169. 4 Indeed, statistics about household labor are particularly unreliable, as the labor is often transient, part-time, or simply unreported. 5 On the disappearance of maiden aunts, unmarried daughters, and grandparents, see Lynd and Lynd, Middletown, pp. 25, 99, and 110; Edward Bok, “Editorial,” American Home 1 (October 1928)L 15; “How to Buy Life Insurance,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (March 1928): 35. The house plans appeared every month in American Home, which began publication in 1928. On kitchen design, see Giedion, pp. 603-21; “Editorial,” Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 36; advertisements for Hoosier kitchen cabinets, Ladies’ Home Journal 45 (April 1928): 117. Articles on servant problems include “The Vanishing Servant Girl,” Ladies’ Home Journal 35 (May 1918): 48; “Housework, Then and Now,” American Home 8 (June 1932): 128; “The Servant Problem,” Fortune 24 (March 1938): 80-94; and Report of the YWCA Commission on Domestic Service (Los Angeles, 1915). 6 Emily Post, Etiquette: The Blue Book of Social Usage, 5th ed. rev. (New York, 1937), p. 823.
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