Shаwnа hаs ran оut оf gas оn her way home from school. She has service on her cell phone but just sits in her car crying and crying. This is an example of the _________________________ type of coping strategy?
Belоw there аre 7 primаry sоurce dоcuments (written аccounts and pictures) that pertain to this period of history (post WWII is when the Civil Rights Movement played out in the USA.) Use at least 5 of the 7 documents (and the rest of your knowledge from the course resources) to answer the prompt in an essay. Prompt you will answer: To what extent did the principles of democracy expand and contract during the Civil Rights Movement? Hints: You must address AT LEAST THREE of the Principles of Democracy ( justice, liberty, domestic tranquility, general welfare) and analyze how they apply to the documents provided in relation to the prompt. Use at least 5 of the 7 documents in your essay. You should specifically state the documents with the document number when you use them. You may bring in any other evidence you have learned about in the course in your explanations. Document 1 People are always saying to me, you are in the University of Mississippi, and that’s the important fact. But so many unusual unique things have been a part of my stay here that I seriously doubt that I am in a true sense a student of the university. I'm inclined to go along with the diehard segregationists on this point. Just having a Negro in residence does not mean that the university has been integrated. Most of the time, I am perhaps the most segregated Negro in the world If a white student sits down and drinks a cup of coffee with me, or walks with me across the campus, he is subjected to unhampered intimidation and harassment. I have been denied my privileges all along, but these whites have not been. Now they have lost a simple freedom. This sets back the Negro, because anytime you move backward, the person already down suffers more. This campaign, which apparently has been permitted to go on, really results in a reduction of everybody's rights.-James Meredith, First Negro admitted to University of Mississippi, 1963 Document 2 And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. -Martin Luther King Jr., Excerpt from "I Have a Dream," 1963 Document 3Recounting her experience at a 1963 Sit-in at Woolworths: At noon, students from a nearby white high school started pouring in to Woolworth's. When they first saw us they were sort of surprised. They didn't know exactly how to react. A few started to heckle and the newsmen became interested again. Then the white students started chanting all kinds of anti-Negro slogans. We were called a little bit of everything. The rest of the seats except the three we were occupying had been roped off to prevent others from sitting down. A couple of boys took one end of the rope and made it into a hangman's noose. Several attempts were made to put it around our necks. The crowd grew as more students and adults came in for lunch.The mob started smearing us with ketchup, mustard, sugar, pies, and everything on the counter. Soon Joan and I were joined by John Salter, but the moment he sat down he was hit on the jaw with what appeared to be brass knuckles. Blood gushed from his face and someone threw salt into the open wound. About ninety policemen were standing outside the store; they had been watching the whole thing through the windows, but had not come in to stop the mob or do anything. -Anne Moody, 1968 Document 4 Image: Police use dogs to quell civil unrest in Birmingham, Ala., in May 1963. Birmingham's police commissioner "Bull" Connor also allowed fire hoses to be turned on young civil rights demonstrators. These measures set off a backlash of sentiment that rejuvenated the flagging civil rights movement. -AP photo, 1963 Document 5 AN ACT To enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other purposes. SEC. 2. No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color. -Excerpt from the 1965 Voting Rights Act Document 6 One of the tragedies of the struggle against racism is that up to this point there has been no national organization which could speak to the growing militancy of young black people in the urban ghettos and the black-belt South. There has been only a "civil rights" movement, whose tone of voice was adapted to an audience of middle-class whites. It served as a sort of buffer zone between that audience and angry young blacks. It claimed to speak for the needs of a community, but it did not speak in the tone of that community. None of its so-called leaders could go into a rioting community and be listened to. In a sense, the blame must be shared--along with the mass media--by those leaders for what happened in Watts, Harlem, Chicago, Cleveland, and other places. Each time the black people in those cities saw Dr. Martin Luther King get slapped they became angry. When they saw little black girls bombed to death in a church and civil rights workers ambushed and murdered, they were angrier; and when nothing happened, they were steaming mad. We had nothing to offer that they could see, except to go out and be beaten again. We helped to build their frustration. -Stokely Carmichael, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, 1967 Document 7 Reaction to last summer's disorders has quickened the movement and deepened the division. Discrimination and segregation have long permeated much of American life; they now threaten the future of every American.[Change] will require a commitment to national action--compassionate, massive and sustained, backed by the resources of the most powerful and the richest nation on this earth. From every American it will require new attitudes, new understanding, and, above all, new will-Excerpt from the Kerner Report, following an investigation of urban riots and unrest in the summers beginning in 1964, released in 1968